SEPTEMBER 8, 1960
CONGRESSIONAL CIVIL RIGHTS RECORD
OF PRESIDENTIAL AND
VICE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES
All of the Presidential and
Vice-Presidential candidates have served in Congress and have had
the opportunity to act on important civil rights issues. Their
stands on fifty important issues as recorded by the Washington
Bureau, NAACP, are reported herewith.
The Congressional service of
these candidates (listed alphabetically) is as follows:
Senate Majority Leader Lyndon
B. JOHNSON: Democrat, Texas, House of Representatives – elected to
80th
Congress on April 10, 1937. Elected to Senate to 81st
Congress on November 2, 1948. Served in Senate to date.
Senator John F. KENNEDY:
Democrat, Massachusetts, House of Representatives – elected to 80th
Congress
on
November 5, 1946. Elected to Senate to 83rd Congress on
November 4, 1952. Served in Senate to date.
Ambassador Henry Cabot
LODGE: Republican, Massachusetts. Elected to Senate to 75th
Congress on November 3,
1936. Served until 1944. Resigned to enter Army.
Re-elected to 80th Congress on November 1946. Served to
January 1953.
Vice-President Richard M.
NIXON: Republican, California. House of Representatives – elected
to 80th Congress
on
November 5, 1946. Elected to Senate to 82nd Congress on
November 7, 1950. Elected Vice-President on November 4, 1952. Served
as Vice-President to date.
SENATE RECORD
Following is the civil rights
voting record in the Senate on issues directly related to Civil
Rights by Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidates, including
pertinent procedural actions.
This record goes back to the
77th Congress (January 3, 1941, to December 16, 1942) and
each issue is listed separately. If a candidate’s name does not
appear under a specific issue it means (unless otherwise indicated)
that he was not in Congress when that issue was acted on.
A copy of the voting record
prepared by the Washington Bureau was furnished each of the
candidates with a request for his comments. At the time of the
preparation of this report (September 8) only Senator Kennedy had
responded. His letter is set out herein.
In the event any of the other
candidates respond prior to distribution of this report, the answers
will be appended.
86th Congress
The Civil Rights
Bill of 1960
The Civil
Rights Bill passed by Congress failed to meet the NAACP’s standard
of a meaningful civil rights bill because the Congress failed to
strengthen the “skeleton” bill by adding any significant amendments.[1]
In other sessions of previous
Congresses, the fate of civil rights legislation of ten was
determined by Senate votes on procedural matters. This was not so
with respect to the Civil Rights Act of 1960, because both those who
favored a strong bill and those who favored a weak bill were in
agreement that some civil rights legislation would be enacted. Under
these circumstances the votes on procedure under which the Senate
brought the bill to the floor are not included in this report.
At the close of the 1st
Session of the 86th Congress, Majority Leader Johnson and
Minority Leader Dirksen announced that civil rights legislation
would be considered by the Senate in the 2nd Session and
that such consideration would begin about February 15, 1960.
Pursuant to this commitment,
the debate on civil rights legislation began on February 15 when
Senator Dirksen proposed the Administration’s program in the form of
amendments to a pending bill, with the cooperation of Senator
Johnson.
In the Senate, the failure to
strengthen the bill was due to the refusal of the Senate to vote an
end to the filibustering tactics of the segregation bloc and more
importantly, to an agreement between the Majority Leader, Senator
Lyndon Johnson (D., Texas), the Minority Leader, Senator Everett
Dirksen (R., Ill.) and northern members of both parties to defeat
any strengthening amendments.
1. After almost a month of
southern filibustering against a civil rights bill, Senators Douglas
(D., Ill.) and Javits (R., N.Y.) filed a cloture petition. A vote
was taken on March 10, 1960. If the Senate had acted favorably, the
filibuster would have been broken and the Senate could have worked
to enact a strong civil rights bill. The cloture motion lost by a
vote of 42 to 53.
FOR the Cloture
Motion
Kennedy
AGAINST the Cloture Motion
Johnson
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2. Also on March 10, 1960,
the Senate voted on Part III, which would have strengthened the
civil rights bill by authorizing the U. S. Attorney General to file
civil suits for injunction to protect civil rights. Part III was
defeated when the Senate adopted a motion to table offered by
Senator Johnson by a vote of 55 to 38. Senator Johnson’s motion
killed Part III.
FOR Part III
Kennedy
AGAINST Part IIII
Johnson
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3. Other attempts to
strengthen the civil rights bill were defeated by a bi-partisan
coalition headed by Senator Johnson and Senator Dirksen.
Vice-President Nixon has been
serving as Chairman of the President’s Committee on Government
Contracts since August, 1953.
This Committee seeks to
guarantee non-discrimination in employment by firms working on
Government contracts.
This Committee operates under
Executive Order. President Eisenhower suggested that it be replaced
by a permanent Commission with statutory authority.
An amendment to establish a
permanent Commission on Equal Job Opportunity Under Government
Contracts to prevent racial discrimination by firms granted
Government Contracts was defeated on April 1, 1960, by the adoption
of Senator Dirksen’s motion to table. The Dirksen motion was carried
by a vote of 48 to 38.
AGAINST the
Commission
Johnson
Not Voting
Kennedy
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4. On April 4, 1960, another
strengthening amendment was killed. Senator Kenneth Keating (R.,
N.Y.) offered an amendment providing technical assistance to area
desegregating their schools and endorsing the Supreme Court’s
decision on school desegregation. Senator Mike Mansfield (D.,
Mont.) moved to table. The Mansfield motion was adopted by a vote of
61 to 30.
AGAINST Supporting the
Court Decision
Johnson
Not Voting
Kennedy
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5. On April 8, 1960, the
Civil Rights Bill of 1960 (H.R. 8601) passed by a vote of 71 to 18.
FOR the Civil Rights Bill
Johnson Kennedy
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6. On August 9, during the
Session of Congress following the national political conventions,
Senator Dirksen (R., Ill.) introduced S. 3823, a bill to create a
permanent President’s Committee on Equal Job Opportunity and to
provide federal financial assistance to areas desegregating their
schools.
Senator Clark (D., Pa.) moved
to table S. 3823. His motion was adopted by a vote of 54 to 28. This
prevented any further action on the bill. This was the only record
vote on civil rights between the adoption of the party platforms and
the adjournment of the 86th Congress.
AGAINST Taking
Action on the Civil Rights Bill
Johnson Kennedy
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7. On June 22, 1960, Senator
Javits (R., N.Y.) offered an amendment to an appropriation bill
which would have refused Federal funds for construction of any
airport terminal building containing racially segregated facilities.
This was defeated by the adoption of a tabling motion offered by
Senator Magnuson (D., Wash.) by a vote of 58 to 29.
AGAINST the Javits Amendment
Johnson
Not Voting
Kennedy
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- - - - - -
On February 2, 1960, Senator
Javits proposed an anti-poll tax bill as a substitute for a
resolution proposing three constitutional amendments, one of which
was to abolish the poll tax. It has long been the position of the
NAACP and other civil rights organizations that the poll tax can be
abolished by Congressional action, without resorting to a
Constitutional amendment. To attempt to do it by Constitutional
amendment would establish an undesirable precedent for other civil
rights matters. Therefore, the Association supported the Javits
substitute. It was defeated by a vote of 50 to 37.
FOR the Javits Bill
Kennedy
did not vote, but was paired for the bill
AGAINST the Javits
Bill
Johnson
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9. Senate Rule 22 makes it
virtually impossible to limit debate in the Senate especially on
Civil Rights Bills. The southerners by filibustering either block
civil rights legislation or give the Senate an excuse to compromise
on such legislation. Therefore, the NAACP supports a change in this
rule and supports all efforts to end filibusters against civil
rights legislation.
When the 86th
Congress met, civil rights supporters attempted to secure a change
in Senate Rule 22, the filibuster rule. Senator Anderson (D., N.
Mex.) offered a motion which would have allowed the Senate to take
up Rule 22 for change and to consider proposals to make the Rule
more liberal. The Anderson motion was defeated when the Senate
adopted a motion to table it on January 9, 1959, by a vote of 60 to
36. The tabling motion was offered by Majority Leader Lyndon
Johnson.
FOR the Anderson Motion
Kennedy
AGAINST the Anderson Motion
Johnson
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Opinion of the
Vice-President
10. Prior to the vote on the
Anderson motion, on January 7, Vice-President Nixon, in response to
a parliamentary inquiry from Senator Javits (R., N.Y.) expressed the
opinion “that the majority of the Senate has a constitutional right
at the beginning of each new Congress to determine what rules it
desires to follow.”
This opinion, if upheld by
the Senate, would make it easier for the Senate to change Rule 22
(the filibuster rule) than has been possible in the past.
Senator Johnson’s motion to
table Senator Anderson’s motion made it unnecessary for the Senate
to vote on the Vice-President’s opinion.
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11. On September 14, 1959,
the Senate approved extending the life of the Civil Rights
Commission for two years by a vote of 71 to 18.
FOR the Extension
Johnson Kennedy
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85th Congress
12. On January 4, 1957, the
Senate by a vote of 55 to 38 defeated Senator Anderson’s motion that
would have changed Rule 22 (the filibuster rule) by accepting
Senator Johnson’s motion to table.
On the same day, prior to the
vote, Vice-President Nixon answered a parliamentary inquiry by
Senator Hubert Humphrey (D., Minn) by an opinion, in which he
stated: “when the membership of the Senate changes as it does upon
the election of each Congress, it is the Chair’s opinion that there
can be no question that the majority of the new existing membership
of the Senate, under the Constitution, have the power to determine
the rules under which the Senate will proceed.”
This opinion, if supported by
the Senate, would make a change in Rule 22 easier.
The parliamentary situation
prevented a vote on the Vice-President’s ruling, as the adoption of
the Johnson motion prevented any further action on Rule 22 at that
time.
FOR the Anderson Motion
Kennedy
AGAINST the Anderson Motion
Johnson
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- - --
When H. R. 6127, the Civil
Rights Bill, came to the Senate from the House, opponents sought to
kill it by forcing it into Senator Eastland’s Judiciary Committee.
When Senator Knowland (R.,
Cal.) on June 20, 1957, objected to the bill’s being sent to the
Judiciary Committee, Senator Russell (D., Ga.) raised a point of
order, insisting that under the Senate Rules the bill must go to the
Committee before coming to the Senate floor for debate.
13. Vice-President Nixon
stated his opinion that Senator Russell’s point of order was not
well taken. In the course of his opinion, Mr. Nixon stated:
“How can the right of the
Senate to decide whether a bill should be referred to committee be
protected?
In the opinion of the Chair,
the following procedure, based on Senate precedents, accomplished
that objective.
“In the absence of objection,
after second reading of a bill, it will, under the long established
practice of the Senate, be immediately referred to the committee
designated by the provisions of rule XIV.
“If objection is made under
paragraph 4, rule XIV, and a point of order is not raised against
the objection, the bill will be placed on the calendar. . . . . . .
“The Senate, in effect, by
failing to raise a point of order, waived its right to refer the
bill to committee.
“If when a Senator attempts
to invoke paragraph 4, rule XIV, a point of order is raised on the
ground that the bill should be referred to committee….. the Chair
can decide the point of order or submit it to the Senate for
decision. . . . . .
“It is the Chair’s opinion
that the point of order is not well taken but . . . . . . the Chair
believes that the proper procedure is to submit the point of order
to the Senate under rule XX. . . . . . .”
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14. The Senate overruled the
Russell point of order by a vote of 49 to 39 on June 20, 1957,
defeating the attempt to send the bill to the Eastland Committee.
FOR Sending the Bill to Eastland Committee
Johnson Kennedy
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15. When the bill (H.R. 6127)
was considered by the Senate, Part III, which would have allowed the
Attorney General to act in civil rights cases, was taken out by a
vote of 52 to 38 on July 24, 1957. This part of the bill would have
given the Justice Department new power to act in matters such as the
Little Rock and Virginia school cases.
FOR Part III
Kennedy
AGAINST Part III
Johnson
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16. The Senate attached a
jury trial amendment to the civil rights bill over the opposition of
the civil rights forces on August 2, 1957, by a vote of 51 to 42.
FOR the Jury Trial
Amendment
Johnson Kennedy
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17. On August 29, 1957, the
Senate passed the Civil Rights Bill of 1957 (H.R. 6127) by a vote of
60 to 15.
FOR the Civil Rights Bill
Johnson Kennedy
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18. The southern bloc opposed
the nomination of W. Wilson White as head of the Civil Rights
Division, in order to frustrate the work of the Division and because
Mr. White had advised the President on the use of troops in Little
Rock. On August 18, 1958, Mr. White’s nomination was approved by a
vote of 56 to 20.
FOR the White Nomination
Kennedy
AGAINST the White Nomination
Johnson
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19. In the closing days of
the 85th Congress, opponents of the Supreme Court made a
desperate effort to limit the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and
other Federal Courts. The Jenner-Butler Bill would have reversed
some of the liberal decisions of the Supreme Court and taken away
from the Court the authority to hear appeals in cases affecting the
right to practice law in the state courts. The Senate killed the
Jenner-Butler Bill on August 20, 1958, by adopting Senator Hennings’
motion to table it by a vote of 49 to 41.
FOR the Hennings’ Motion
Johnson Kennedy
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20. The McClellan Bill would
have limited the right of Federal courts to strike down state laws
as being in conflict with Federal laws except where Congress
specifically granted such authority. It was strongly opposed by the
NAACP. Two attempts were made to kill this bill. The first, a motion
to table by Senator Hennings on August 20, 1958, failed by a vote of
46 to 39.
FOR the Hennings’ Motion
Johnson Kennedy
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- - - - - - - - - - - - - -
21. The second attempt to
kill the McClellan bill, a motion to recommit, by Senator John
Carroll (D., Colo) passed on August 21, 1958, by a vote of 41 to 40.
FOR the Carroll Motion
Johnson Kennedy
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84th Congress
On August 1, 1955, an attempt
was made to continue a prohibition of payment of the Poll Tax by
servicemen who use absentee ballots, but was defeated 56 to 22.
Not Voting
Johnson Kennedy
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- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
23. The NAACP opposed the
Daniel-Mundt Resolution proposing a Constitutional amendment which
would have changed the method of electing the President. The
Resolution was drafted to give more power to the southern states in
the election of the President and Vice President.
Senator Kennedy successfully
led the floor fight in the Senate against the Daniel-Mundt
Resolution. It was defeated on March 27, 1956, when it failed to
secure the required two-thirds vote.
FOR the Daniel-Mundt Resolution
Johnson
AGAINST the Daniel-Mundt Resolution
Kennedy
23. President Eisenhower
nominated Solicitor General Sobeloff to be a Circuit Court Judge.
The southerners opposed him because he had represented the
Department of Justice in opposing school segregation before the
Supreme Court. On July 16, 1956, the Senate approved the Sobeloff
nomination by a vote of 64 to 19.
FOR the Sobeloff Nomination
Johnson Kennedy
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In connection with school
desegregation, it should be noted that Senator Johnson did not sign
the Southern Manifesto attacking the Supreme Court’s decision in the
school case.
25. On July 24, 1956, Senator
Douglas made a motion to adjourn the Senate. If adopted it would
have made possible Senate consideration of the House-passed Civil
Rights Bill, H. R. 627. The motion was defeated by a vote of 76 to
6.
AGAINST the Douglas Motion
Johnson Kennedy
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- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
83rd Congress
26. Senator Anderson
sponsored a motion to change Rule 22 (the filibuster rule.) It was
defeated by a vote of 70 to 21 on January 7, 1953.
FOR the Anderson Motion
AGAINST the Anderson Motion
Johnson
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- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
82nd Congress
27. Senator Herbert Lehman
(D., N.Y.) sponsored an amendment which would have made violence
against servicemen punishable as a Federal crime. On March 7, 1951,
it was defeated 57 to 30.
FOR the Lehman
Amendment
Lodge
AGAINST the Lehman Amendment
Johnson Nixon
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28. In this Congress the
Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare considered FEPC
legislation.
Senator Humphrey (D., Minn.)
submitted a report for a majority of the Committee recommending
passage of S. 2080, a bill to “prohibit discrimination in employment
because of race, color, religion, or ancestry.”
Senator Nixon and Senator
Robert Taft (R., Ohio), who were on the Committee dissented with the
majority recommendation, as follows:
“We
do not concur in the views of the majority and reserve the right to
file
individual views at a later date.”
The Congressional Record
indicates that no such views were filed.
The Senate failed to act on
S. 2080.
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81st Congress
29. At the opening of the 81st
Congress, Vice President Barkley gave a ruling that would have made
it easier to break a filibuster. On March 11, 1949, the Senate
overruled the Vice President, 46 to 41.
FOR the Barkley Ruling
Lodge
AGAINST the Barkley Ruling
Johnson
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- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
30. On March 17, 1949, the
Senate adopted the Wherry-Hayden Resolution by a vote of 63 to 23.
This tightened Rule 22 (the filibuster rule) to make it more
difficult to end filibusters. It set up a requirement of two-thirds
vote of the entire Senate membership (including those not voting) to
invoke cloture. It also prohibited cloture on any change in Senate
rules.
FOR the Wherry-Hayden Resolution
Johnson
AGAINST the Wherry-Hayden Resolution
Lodge
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31. Senator Lodge introduced
a resolution to enact a constitutional amendment to change the
method of electing the President. This was known as the
Lodge-Gossett Resolution. The effect of it would have been to
increase the power of the South in Presidential elections. It was
opposed by the NAACP.
On February 1, 1950, the
Senate passed the Lodge-Gossett Resolution by a vote of 64 to 24. It
was subsequently defeated in the House of Representatives.
FOR the Lodge-Gossett Resolution
Lodge
Not Voting
Johnson
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32. Senator Lodge sponsored
an NAACP supported amendment to a Federal aid to education bill to
require states to abolish racial segregation in their schools as a
condition of receiving Federal assistance. On May 3, 1949, this
amendment was defeated in the Senate by a vote of 65 to 16.
FOR the Amendment
Lodge
AGAINST the Amendment
Johnson
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33. Two votes were taken to
end filibuster against FEPC. On May 19, 1950, the first of these
failed by a vote of 52 to 32 (64 votes were needed).
FOR Ending the Filibuster
Lodge
AGAINST Ending the Filibuster
Johnson
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On July 12, 1950, the second
attempt to end the FEPC failed by a vote of 55 to 33.
FOR Ending the Filibuster
Lodge
AGAINST Ending the Filibuster
Johnson
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35. Senator Lucas (D., Ill.)
sponsored an amendment to protect integration in the Armed Forces.
This amendment was approved by a vote of 42 to 29 on January 21,
1950.
FOR the Lucas Amendment
Lodge
AGAINST the Lucas Amendment
Johnson
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80th Congress
36. Senator William Langer
(D., N. Dak.) sponsored an amendment to prohibit segregation in the
Armed Forces. On June 7, 1948, this amendment was defeated by a vote
of 67 to 7.
AGAINST the Langer Anti-Segregation Amendment
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37. Also on June 7, 1948,
Senator Langer offered an amendment to make violence to servicemen
punishable as a Federal crime. This was defeated by vote of 61 to 7.
AGAINST the Langer Anti-Violence Amendment
Lodge
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38. On June 7, 1948, the
Senate by a vote of 37-35 adopted an amendment to the Selective
Service Act eliminating the payment by servicemen of the poll tax as
a prerequisite to voting in Federal elections.
FOR the Langer Anti-Poll Tax Amendment
Lodge
77th Congress
39. November 23, 1942 the
Senate voted on a cloture motion to end a filibuster against an
anti-poll tax bill. The cloture motion was not adopted.
FOR Ending the Filibuster
Lodge
HOUSE RECORD
Following are the records of
Senator Johnson, Senator Kennedy and Vice President Nixon from the
77th through the 82nd Congresses in the House
of Representatives.
Senator Johnson was in the House during the 77th to 80th
Congresses.
Senator Kennedy was in the House in the 80th, 81st
and 82nd Congresses.
Vice-President Nixon was in the House in the 80th and 81st
Congresses.
82nd Congress
40. The NAACP opposed a bill
offered by Representative Rankin (D., Miss.) which would have
established a Jim Crow Veterans Hospital. It was defeated by a vote
of 2223 to 117 on June 6, 1951.
Not Voting
Kennedy
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81st Congress
41. The NAACP supported an
amendment which prohibited segregation in the SPARS, the Women’s
Auxiliary of the Coast Guard. The amendment was adopted on April 4,
1949, by a vote of 193 to 153. (The bill, as amended, was then
killed by a non-record vote recommitting it to Committee.)
FOR the Amendment
Kennedy Nixon
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42. The NAACP supported a
bill to abolish the Poll Tax. On July 26, 1949, the bill passed the
House by a vote of 273 to 116. (The bill died in the Senate.)
FOR the Bill
Kennedy Nixon
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43. The House considered a
strong FEPC bill introduced by Mr. Powell. Instead of passing this,
it passed a weak substitute, sponsored by Mr. Samuel McConnell on
February 22, 1950. (The bill died in the Senate.)
FOR Strong FEPC
Kennedy
AGAINST Strong FEPC
Nixon
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44. On July 17, 1950, the
House defeated the Lodge-Gossett Resolution by a vote of 210 to 134.
This resolution proposed a change in the method of electing the
President so as to give increased power to the South in Presidential
elections.
FOR the Lodge- Gossett Resolution
Nixon
Not Voting
Kennedy
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80th Congress
45. On July 21, 1947, the
House passed the Bender anti-poll tax bill. This bill died in the
Senate.
FOR the Bill
Kennedy Nixon
AGAINST the Bill
*Johnson
_____
*Not voting, but paired
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79th Congress
46. On June 12, 1946, the
House passed an anti-poll tax bill. This bill was killed in the
Senate by a southern filibuster.
AGAINST the Poll Tax Bill
Johnson
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
47. On February 21, 1946, the
House adopted an amendment offered by Congressman Powell (D., N.Y.)
to the National School Lunch Act. The amendment prohibited
discrimination in the use of school lunch funds.
AGAINST the Powell
Amendment
Johnson
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
48. An attempt to get a vote
on an Anti-Lynching Bill was made by having Congressmen sign a
discharge petition.
Non-Signer
Johnson
78th Congress
49. On May 25, 1943, the House passed an anti-poll
tax bill.
AGAINST the Bill
Johnson
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
77th Congress
50. On October 13, 1942, the
House passed an anti-poll tax bill.
AGAINST the Bill
Johnson
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Each of the candidates was
supplied a copy of the above record and asked to submit any comments
he cared to make.
Senator Kennedy responded as
follows:
June 23, 1960
Mr. Clarence Mitchell
Director, Washington Bureau
National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People
Hotel St. Paul
St. Paul, Minnesota
Dear Mr. Mitchell:
Thank you for sending me a
copy of your report on the civil rights record of the Presidential
candidates.
I would appreciate your
noting in the report that, although I was absent from the Senate on
April 4, 1960, when the vote was taken on the amendment to provide
technical assistance to areas desegregating their schools and
endorsing the Supreme Court’s decision on school desegregation, I
did support and was announced as supporting the amendment.
(Congressional Record, page 6743.)
As you know, the amendment
was defeated by a wide margin, so my vote was not required. On a
number of occasions when my vote was needed in the efforts to
strengthen the civil rights bill, I interrupted my primary campaign
to case such votes.
Similarly, I supported the
amendment to establish a permanent Commission on Equal Job
Opportunity under Government contracts, and my support was so
announced. (Congressional Record, page 6653.) Moreover, on eleven
separate occasions, both in committee and on the floor of Congress,
I have voted for a strong Fair Employment Practices Commission.
You might also be interested
in the fact that in my first major address on the Senate floor, on
May 20 1953, I called for Congressional action to end discrimination
in employment in general and with regard to Government contracts in
particularly.
Such discrimination is one of the worst types of labor
exploitation,” I said, and has “very serious adverse effects upon
our international relations, our society, and the individual.”
The report also indicates
that I did not vote on the August 1, 1955 motion to eliminate the
poll tax for servicemen. My record on this is quite clear. One of my
first votes as a freshman Representative from Massachusetts was in
favor of eliminating the poll tax.
One omission in the record of
votes occurs to me - - the votes on the amendments to adopt the more
effective registrar plan or to adopt both the registrar and referee
plans in an effective combination. I supported all of these attempts
to strengthen the 1960 Civil Rights Act.
As to the jury trial
amendment in 1957, I voted on the advise of outstanding civil
liberties law experts whom I consulted, who were also notable
champions of civil rights - - and in practice the provision adopted
requiring a jury trial if anyone is to be in jail for more than 45
days has not been a hindrance. The Administration has not even used
the powers provided - - and has not asked any court to hold any
violator of voting rights in contempt.
It will be the duty of the
next Democratic Administration to use the full powers of the 1957
and 1960 Acts to see that no American is denied his right to vote by
reason of race. The next President and his Attorney General must
take effective action to make good this primary guarantee of the
Constitution.
So, too, the high office of
the Presidency must be used to provide the effective, creative,
persuasive leadership necessary if we are to fulfill the great
constitutional promise of equal protection - - of equal opportunity
- - for all Americans in all parts of our public life.
With every good wish,
Sincerely,
/s/ John F. Kennedy
THE PARTY
PLATFORMS
Both the Democratic and
Republican National Conventions in their party platforms adopted
stronger civil rights planks than they had ever accepted previously.
NAACP Executive Secretary Roy
Wilkins issued the following statement relative to these civil
rights planks:
“There are striking
differences between the 1960 planks of both parties and the ones
adopted by them in 1956. Both are far ahead of those chosen four
years ago.
“The Democratic plank is
stronger and more comprehensive and does not shrink from the touchy
topics of FEPC and the Part III provision which was chopped from the
1957 civil rights bill. Even more significant than the differences
between the Republican and Democratic planks this year are the area
of agreement.
“For the first time both
parties have put themselves on record unequivocally as favoring the
elimination of segregation and other forms of discrimination from
all areas of community and national life.
“Both have pledged to remove
the procedural roadblocks in the Congress that have impeded progress
towards that goal.
“Both have reaffirmed support
of the historic right of peaceful protest against the indignities
and injustices of discriminatory treatment.
“Most importantly, both have
recognized the need for affirmative legislative and executive action
by the federal government and have committed themselves to such a
course.
“In the area of voting, both
parties have pledged vigorous enforcement of existing statutes and
new legislation to overcome the barriers import by present
“literacy” tests.
“In the area of housing, both
parties have pledged action to prohibit discrimination in all
housing constructed with federal funds or subsidies. The Democratic
plank goes beyond this in that its term, “federally-assisted,” would
appear to include as well all the insuring and lending functions of
the federal government.
“In the area of employment,
both parties have pledged the elimination of discrimination within
the federal establishment and on all work performed under government
contract. We strongly favor the provision in the Democratic plank
calling for the enactment of a federal FEPC and we trust that the
“full scale review” referred to in the Republican plank will lead to
Republican support of such a measure.
“In the area of education,
both parties have pledged to implement the Supreme Court’s public
school desegregation ruling of 1954 and to provide technical and
financial assistance to school districts in order to facilitate
compliance with that decision.”
“The Republicans would
authorize the Attorney General to file civil injunction suits, but
only in school desegregation cases and then only under certain
circumstances. The Democratic language is plain and unrestricted,
authorizing injunctive action “to prevent the denial of any civil
rights on grounds of race, creed or color.” Ironically, this
provision was included in President Eisenhower’s legislative program
which was adopted as part of the 1956 Republican platform.
“Our aim is to accelerate
compliance with the school decision and to lift the heavy burden of
litigation from harassed Negro parents. We hope that the deadline
date set by the Democrats and the civil injunction proposals will
result in more speed and less deliberateness.
“The time has come to charge
every school board affected by the Supreme Court’s ruling with
responsibility for initiating compliance. School authorities must
not be permitted to continue the evasion of the law of the land
which has resulted in a disgraceful average desegregation rate of
one per cent a year.
“We approve the provision in
the Democratic plank for a permanent civil rights commission with
broad powers and we heartily endorse the important and significant
opposition by the Republicans to the use of federal funds for the
construction of segregated community facilities.